The Pentagon's top four leaders stood their ground Dec. 2 during the Senate Armed Services Committee hearing on the Defense Department's report concerning the repeal of "Don't Ask, Don't Tell" ( DADT ) . But there was considerable pushback from Republicans on the committee—and not just John McCain.
A lot of important ground was covered—both technically, concerning certification and benefits, and personally, with top military officials making clear that they believe repeal is the right thing to do and that now is the right time to do it.
Important, too, were questions by Sens. Susan Collins of Maine and Lindsey Graham of South Carolina—Republicans who, until recently, were considered potential votes to at least allow the Senate to debate the repeal measure.
Collins spent her time for questions laying out arguments to rebut criticisms made of the Pentagon's report by McCain and others; and Graham seemed to have backed off his complaint last week that the study failed to investigate "whether" DADT should be repeal.
What is the question?
One of the chief criticisms hurled at the report by McCain and several other Republicans was that the Pentagon did not ask a direct question of the 400,000 troops surveyed to determine whether they would like Congress to repeal DADT. Collins noted that the Pentagon does not ask troops whether they want to go to Iraq either and that, while troops were not asked about DADT repeal directly, their thinking was certainly conveyed by their responses to less direct questions.
The insistence, by McCain and others, that troops should have been polled on whether to keep DADT elicited the strongest rebuke from the military leaders themselves. Both Secretary of Defense Robert Gates and Joint Chiefs of Staff Chairman Admiral Mike Mullen repeatedly rejected the idea as "dangerous."
Gates said that conducting a "referendum" on a matter of military policy "is a very dangerous path." Mullen agreed, saying it would be an "incredibly bad precedent to essentially vote on a policy."
McCain persisted, saying it was "not voting" on a policy, it was "asking their views." He was not alone. Sen. Scott Brown, R-Mass., said he, too, felt the Pentagon should have asked a direct question.
Both McCain and Senator Saxby Chambliss, R-Ga., seemed to flirt with the use of some inflammatory tactics during the hearing. McCain twice raised the issue of who was responsible for the current public release of classified documents by a website called Wikileaks—an act that is considered to be one of the most damaging breaches in intelligence confidentiality in American history. It has been widely reported that the 22-year-old Army private first-class who has been arrested for enabling the leaks, Bradley Manning, has identified himself as gay.
Chambliss noted that Mullen, in his opening statement both Dec. 2 and at a previous hearing in February, indicated he had served alongside gay people and had gay people under his command. Chambliss asked questions to suggest that Mullen had failed to seek the discharge of these gay servicemembers as required by existing military policy at the time. ( Mullen, however, noted that military law and policy has changed during the course of his career in the service and that, in fact, "every single one" of the gays he knew of were discharged. "I did this, and I saw this," said Mullen. )
What is the difference?
There was considerable discussion of how the repeal of DADT might mirror the changes that took place in the late 1940s and 1950s after then President Truman signed an executive order requiring integration and again in the 1960s when Congress repealed a 2-percent cap on the number of women who could serve.
"Social changes in the military have not been particularly easy," said Gates. He said that "serious racial problems" plagued the military "at least through" the Vietnam War years and that women in the military still face the very real problem with sexual assaults.
McCain pointed out that, in 1993, General Colin Powell had opposed gays in the military and rebuffed attempts to compare discrimination based on race and that based on sexual orientation.
Jeh Johnson, the co-chair of the Pentagon study group, said he would agree that "issues of race and sexual orientation are fundamentally different." But he said that, in his study of integration issues for the DADT report, he found that some of the nation's greatest heroes in World War II "predicted negative consequences for unit cohesion if there was racial integration" of the troops.
Johnson, who is African-American, also noted that surveys of 3,000 to 4,000 troops in the 1940s found that opposition to racial integration ran as high as 80 percent—and that was at a time when there were only about 700,000 Black soldiers in a force of 8 million troops. It was also a time, said Johnson, when integration was not accepted by society at large.
"But we did it. It took some time. It was not without incident," said Johnson, "but we did it and, I think the chairman said, the military was stronger as a result."
In fact, Johnson said the opposition to racial integration then was "much more intense than the opposition to gays serving openly today in the military."
What are the bottom lines?
The Dec. 2 hearing came across as a vigorous debate between Republicans on the Committee, most of whom seem to oppose repeal, and Democrats and the Defense Department's top brass, who appear to support it. But it took place against the backdrop of a political gaming of the Senate's parliamentary procedures. All 42 Republicans in the Senate signed onto a letter to Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid on Nov. 30, saying they would not agree to vote on "any legislative item until the Senate has acted to fund the government and we have prevented the tax increase...." Although the language of "fund the government" might provide some wiggle room for the defense authorization bill ( because it authorizes the expenditure of funds for the government ) , the letter is being widely characterized as an obstacle to consideration of DADT repeal, which is contained inside the defense authorization bill.
Maine Republican Collins' questions on Dec. 2 suggest she is still in favor of repealing DADT—a position she took in the committee's original vote on the defense-authorization bill in September. Unless she and at least one other Republican agree to provide the Democrats with the votes they need to reach 60—to allow the defense authorization bill to the floor—Thursday's debate and debate that will take place during Day Two of the hearing, tomorrow, are moot. So, essentially, the pressure is on Collins—who supports repeal—to find one other Republican willing to cross the party line with her to enable the defense authorization bill to come to the floor.
Collins has been ridiculed by a number of pundits in recent days for saying she didn't know how to vote on another contentious piece of legislation—the START treaty—and that she would appreciate getting some direction from two former Republican presidents—the two Bushes. Such negative publicity may have inspired Collins to ask the pro-repeal oriented questions she asked at Thursday's hearings.
The hope of convincing some Republicans to wiggle themselves around the Republican drop dead letter could well have been behind Secretary Gates' repeated assurances Thursday that he would not sign the necessary document to "certify" the troops are ready to implement repeal until "everything has been done" to ensure the troops are ready and that the chiefs of each of the service branches "are comfortable" that any risks to combat readiness had been "mitigated if not eliminated."
Neither Gates nor Mullen suggested how long it might take to certify such readiness after Congress votes to repeal the law. But both also sought to impress upon the Committee another issue with regard to timing: The courts.
"Whatever risk there may be to repeal of this law, it is greatly mitigated by the thorough implementation plan included in this study, the time to carry out that plan, and effective, inspirational leadership," said Mullen in his opening statement.
"Now, let me tell you what I believe," continued Mullen. "I believe our troops and their families are ready for this. Most of them believe they serve, or have served, alongside gays and lesbians, and knowing matters a lot….
"I believe now is the time to act. I worry that unpredictable actions in the court could strike down the law at any time, precluding the orderly implementation plan we believe is necessary to mitigate risk," said Mullen. "I also have no expectation that challenges to our national security are going to diminish in the near future, such that a more convenient time will appear."
�2010 Keen News Service
